REMARKS BY PRESIDENT OBAMA IN ADDRESS TO EUROPEAN
YOUTH
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
March 26, 2014
Office of the Press Secretary
March 26, 2014
Notes:
(a) Highlights have been added.
(b) When Pres. Obama speaks of the New International World Order remember the accusation Gorbachev leveled on Pres. Clinton for the ten year delay his administration inflicted on such plan.
(b) When Pres. Obama speaks of the New International World Order remember the accusation Gorbachev leveled on Pres. Clinton for the ten year delay his administration inflicted on such plan.
Palais des Beaux Arts
Brussels, Belgium
6:16 P.M. CET
Brussels, Belgium
6:16 P.M. CET
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you so much. Thank you. (Applause.) Please, please have a
seat. Good evening. Goede avond. Bonsoir. Guten abend.
(Applause.) Thank you, Laura, for that remarkable introduction. Before she came out
she told me not to be nervous. (Laughter.) And I can
only imagine -- I think her father is in the audience, and I can only imagine how proud he is of
her. We're grateful for her work, but
she's also reminding us that our future will be defined by young people like her.
Your Majesties, Mr. Prime Minister, and the people of Belgium -- on behalf of the American people,
we are grateful for your friendship.
We stand together as inseparable allies, and I thank you for your wonderful hospitality. I have to
admit it is easy to love a country
famous for chocolate and beer. (Laughter.)
Leaders and dignitaries of the European Union; representatives of our NATO Alliance; distinguished
guests: We
meet here at a moment of
testing for Europe and the United States, and for the international order that we have
worked for generations to build.
Throughout human history, societies have
grappled with fundamental questions of how to organize themselves, the proper relationship
between the individual and the
state, the best means to resolve inevitable conflicts between states. And it was here in Europe,
through centuries of struggle
-- through war and Enlightenment, repression and revolution -- that a particular set of ideals
began to emerge: The
belief
that through conscience and free will, each of us has the right to live as we
choose.
The belief
that power is derived from the
consent
of the governed, and that laws and institutions should be established to protect that
understanding. And those ideas eventually
inspired
a band of colonialists across an ocean, and they wrote them into the founding documents that still
guide America today,
including
the simple truth that all men -- and women -- are created equal.
But those ideals have also been tested -- here in Europe and around the world. Those ideals have
often been threatened by an older, more
traditional view of power.
This
alternative vision argues that ordinary men and women are too small-minded to govern their own
affairs,
that
order and progress can only come when individuals surrender their rights to an all-powerful
sovereign. Often, this alternative vision roots itself in the notion that by virtue of
race or faith or ethnicity, some are inherently superior to others, and that
individual identity must be defined by “us” versus “them,” or that national greatness must
flow not by what a people stand for, but by
what they are against.
In many ways, the history of Europe in the 20th century represented the ongoing clash of these two
sets of ideas, both within nations and
among nations. The advance of industry and technology outpaced our ability to resolve our
differences peacefully, and even among the most
civilized of societies, on the surface we saw a descent into barbarism.
This morning at Flanders Field, I was reminded of how war between peoples sent a generation to
their deaths in the trenches and gas of
the First World War. And just two decades later, extreme nationalism plunged this continent into
war once again -- with populations
enslaved, and great cities reduced to rubble, and tens of millions slaughtered, including those
lost in the Holocaust.
It is in response to this tragic history that, in the aftermath of World War II, America
joined with Europe to reject the darker forces
of the past
and build a new architecture of peace. Workers and engineers gave life to the Marshall
Plan. Sentinels stood vigilant in a
NATO Alliance that would become the strongest the world has ever known. And across the Atlantic,
we embraced a shared vision of Europe --
a vision based on representative democracy, individual rights, and a belief that nations
can meet the interests of their citizens through trade and open markets; a social
safety net and respect for those of different faiths and backgrounds.
For decades, this vision stood in sharp contrast to life on the other side of an
Iron Curtain. For decades, a
contest was waged, and
ultimately that contest was won -- not by tanks or missiles, but because
our ideals
stirred the hearts of Hungarians who sparked a
revolution; Poles in their shipyards who stood in Solidarity; Czechs who waged a Velvet
Revolution without firing a shot; and East
Berliners who marched past the guards and finally tore down that wall.
Today, what would have seemed impossible in the trenches of Flanders, the rubble of Berlin, or a
dissident's prison cell -- that reality
is taken for granted. A Germany unified. The nations of Central and Eastern Europe welcomed into
the family of democracies. Here in this
country, once the battleground of Europe, we meet in the hub of a Union that brings together
age-old adversaries in peace and
cooperation.
The people
of Europe, hundreds of millions of citizens -- east, west, north, south -- are more secure and
more prosperous
because
we stood together for the ideals we
share.
And this story of human progress was by no means limited to Europe. Indeed, the ideals that came
to define our alliance also inspired
movements across the globe among those very people, ironically, who had too often been denied
their full rights by Western powers. After
the Second World War,
people
from Africa to India threw off the yoke of colonialism to secure their
independence. In the United States,
citizens took freedom rides and endured beatings to put an
end to
segregation and to secure their civil rights. As the Iron Curtain fell
here in Europe, the iron fist of apartheid was unclenched, and Nelson Mandela emerged upright,
proud, from prison to lead a multiracial
democracy.
Latin
American nations rejected dictatorship
and built new democracies,
and
Asian
nations showed that development and
democracy could go hand in hand.
Young people in the audience today, young people like Laura, were born in a place and a time where
there is less conflict, more
prosperity and more freedom than any time in human history. But that's not because man's darkest
impulses have vanished. Even here, in
Europe, we've seen ethnic cleansing in the Balkans that shocked the conscience.
The difficulties of integration and globalization, recently amplified by the worst
economic crisis of our lifetimes, strained the
European project and stirred the rise of a politics that too often targets immigrants or
gays or those who seem somehow different.
While technology has opened up vast opportunities for trade and innovation and cultural
understanding, it's also allowed terrorists to
kill on a horrifying scale. Around the world, sectarian warfare and ethnic conflicts continue to
claim thousands of lives. And once
again, we are confronted with the belief among some that bigger nations can bully smaller ones to
get their way -- that recycled maxim
that might somehow makes right.
So I come here today to insist that we must never take for granted the progress that has been won
here in Europe and advanced around the
world, because the contest of ideas continues for your generation. And that's what's at stake in
Ukraine
today.
Russia's leadership is
challenging
truths that only a few weeks ago seemed self-evident -- that in the 21st
century,
the
borders of Europe cannot be redrawn
with
force, that international law matters, that people and nations can make their own decisions about
their future.
To be honest, if we defined our interests narrowly, if we applied a cold-hearted calculus, we
might decide to look the other way. Our
economy is not deeply integrated with
Ukraine's.
Our people and our homeland face no direct threat from the invasion of Crimea. Our own
borders
are not threatened by Russia's annexation. But that kind of casual indifference would
ignore the lessons that are written in the cemeteries of this continent. It would allow the old
way of doing things to regain a foothold in this young century. And that message would be heard
not just in Europe, but in Asia and the Americas, in Africa and the Middle East.
And the consequences that would arise from complacency are not abstractions. The impact that they
have on the lives of real people -- men
and women just like us -- have to enter into our imaginations. Just look at the young people of
Ukraine who were determined to take back
their future from a government rotted by corruption -- the portraits of the fallen shot by
snipers, the visitors who pay their respects
at the Maidan. There was the university student, wrapped in the Ukrainian flag, expressing her
hope that “every country should live by
the law.” A postgraduate student, speaking of her fellow protestors, saying, “I want these
people who are here to have dignity.” Imagine
that you are the young woman who said, “there are some things that fear, police sticks and tear
gas cannot destroy.”
We've never met these people, but we know them. Their voices echo calls for human dignity that
rang out in European streets and squares
for generations. Their voices echo those around the world who at this very moment fight for their
dignity. These Ukrainians rejected a
government that was stealing from the people instead of serving them, and are reaching for the
same ideals that allow us to be here
today.
None of us
can know for certain what the coming days will bring in Ukraine, but I am confident that
eventually those voices -- those
voices
for human dignity and opportunity and individual rights and rule of law -- those voices ultimately
will triumph. I
believe that over the long haul, as nations that are free, as free people, the future is ours.
I believe
this not because I'm naïve, and I believe this not because of the strength of our arms
or the size of our economies,
I believe
this because these ideals that we affirm are true; these ideals are
universal.
Yes, we believe in democracy -- with elections that are free and fair; and independent judiciaries
and opposition parties; civil society
and uncensored information so that individuals can make their own choices. Yes, we believe in open
economies based on free markets and
innovation, and individual initiative and entrepreneurship, and trade and investment that creates
a broader prosperity. And, yes, we
believe in human dignity -- that every person is created equal, no matter who you are, or what you
look like, or who you love, or where
you come from. That is what we believe. That's what makes us strong.
And our enduring strength is also reflected in our respect for an international system
that protects the rights of both nations and
people
-- a United Nations and a Universal Declaration of Human Rights; international law and the means
to enforce those
laws. But we also
know that those rules are not self-executing; they depend on people and nations of goodwill
continually affirming them. And that's why
Russia's
violation of international law -- its assault on Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial
integrity -- must be met with condemnation. Not because we're trying to keep Russia down, but
because the principles that have meant so much to Europe and the world must be lifted up.
Over the last several days, the United States, Europe, and our partners around the world have been
united in defense of these ideals, and
united in support of the Ukrainian people.
Together,
we've condemned Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and rejected the legitimacy of the
Crimean
referendum. Together, we have isolated Russia politically, suspending it from the G8
nations and downgrading our bilateral ties.
Together, we are imposing costs through sanctions that have left a mark on Russia and those
accountable for its actions.
And
if the
Russian leadership stays on its current course, together we will ensure that this
isolation deepens. Sanctions will expand. And the toll on Russia's economy, as
well as its standing in the world, will only increase.
And meanwhile, the United States and our allies will continue to support the government of Ukraine
as they chart a democratic course
Together, we
are going to provide a significant package of assistance that can help stabilize the Ukrainian
economy, and meet the basic
needs
of the people. Make no mistake: Neither the United States, nor Europe has any
interest in controlling Ukraine.
We have sent no troops there. What we want is for the
Ukrainian people to make their own decisions, just like other free people around the world.
Understand, as well, this is not another Cold War that we're entering into. After all, unlike the
Soviet Union, Russia leads no bloc of
nations, no global ideology. The United States and NATO do not seek any conflict with Russia. In
fact, for more than 60 years, we have
come together in NATO -- not to claim other lands, but to keep nations free. What we will do --
always -- is uphold our solemn
obligation, our Article 5 duty to defend the sovereignty and territorial integrity of our allies.
And in that promise we will never waver;
NATO nations never stand alone.
Today, NATO planes patrol the skies over the Baltics, and we've reinforced our presence in
Poland. And we're prepared to do more. Going forward, every NATO member state
must step up and carry its share of the burden by showing the political will to invest in our
collective defense, and by developing the capabilities to serve as a source of
international peace and security.
Of course, Ukraine is not a
member of NATO -- in part because of its close and complex history with Russia.
Nor will Russia be dislodged from Crimea or deterred from further escalation by military force.
But with time, so long as we remain united, the Russian people will recognize that they cannot
achieve security, prosperity and the status that they seek through brute force. And that's why,
throughout this crisis,
we will
combine our substantial pressure on Russia with an open door for
diplomacy. I
believe that for both Ukraine and Russia, a stable peace will come through de-escalation -- direct
dialogue between Russia and the government of Ukraine and the international community; monitors
who can ensure that the rights of all Ukrainians are protected; a process of constitutional reform
within Ukraine; and free and fair elections this spring.
So far, Russia has resisted diplomatic overtures, annexing Crimea and massing large forces along
Ukraine's border.
Russia has
justified
<>these
actions as an effort to prevent problems on its own borders and to protect ethnic Russians inside
Ukraine. Of course, there is no
evidence,
and never has been, of systemic violence against ethnic Russians inside of
Ukraine. Moreover,
many countries around the world face similar questions about their borders and ethnic minorities
abroad, about sovereignty and self-determination. These are tensions that have led in other places
to debate and democratic referendums, conflicts and uneasy co-existence. These are difficult
issues, and it is precisely because these questions are hard that they must be addressed through
constitutional means and international laws so that majorities cannot simply suppress minorities,
and big countries cannot simply bully the small.
In
defending its actions, Russian leaders have further claimed Kosovo as a precedent
-- an example they say of the West interfering in
the affairs of a smaller country, just as they're doing now. But NATO only intervened after the
people of Kosovo were systematically
brutalized and killed for years. And Kosovo only left Serbia after a referendum was organized not
outside the boundaries of international
law, but in careful cooperation with the United Nations and with Kosovo's neighbors. None of that
even came close to happening in Crimea.
Moreover,
Russia has
pointed to America's decision to go into Iraq as an example of Western hypocrisy. Now, it
is true that the Iraq War was a subject of vigorous debate not just around the world, but in the
United States as well. I participated in that debate and I opposed our military intervention
there. But even in Iraq, America sought to work within the international system. We did not claim
or annex Iraq's territory. We did not grab its resources for our own gain. Instead, we ended our
war and left Iraq to its people and a fully sovereign Iraqi state that could make decisions about
its own future.
Of course,
neither the United States nor Europe are perfect in adherence to our ideals, nor do we claim to be
the sole arbiter of what is
right
or wrong in the world. We are human, after all, and we face difficult choices about how to
exercise our power. But part of what
makes
us different is that we welcome criticism, just as we welcome the responsibilities that come with
global
leadership.
We look to the East and the South and see nations poised to play a growing role on the world
stage, and we consider that a good thing. It
reflects the same diversity that makes us stronger as a nation and the forces of integration and
cooperation that Europe has advanced for
decades. And in a world of challenges that are increasingly global, all of us have an interest in
nations stepping forward to play their
part -- to bear their share of the burden and to uphold international norms.
So our approach stands in stark contrast to the arguments coming out of Russia these days.
It is absurd to suggest -- as a steady
drumbeat of Russian voices do -- that America is somehow conspiring with fascists inside
of Ukraine or failing to respect the Russian
people.
My grandfather served in Patton's Army, just as many of your fathers and grandfathers
fought against fascism. We Americans
remember well the unimaginable sacrifices made by the Russian people in World War II, and we have
honored those sacrifices.
Since the end of the Cold War, we have worked with Russia under successive administrations to
build ties of culture and commerce and
international community not as a favor to Russia, but because it was in our national interests.
And together, we've secured nuclear
materials from terrorists. We welcomed Russia into the G8 and the World Trade Organization. From
the reduction of nuclear arms to the
elimination of Syria's chemical weapons, we believe the world has benefited when Russia chooses to
cooperate on the basis of mutual
interests and mutual respect.
So America, and the world and Europe, has an interest in a strong and responsible Russia, not a
weak one. We want the Russian people to
live in security, prosperity and
dignity like everyone else -- proud of their own history. But that does not mean that Russia can
run
roughshod over its neighbors. Just because Russia has a deep history with Ukraine does not mean it
should be able to dictate Ukraine's
future. No amount of propaganda can make right something that the world knows is wrong.
In the end, every society must chart its own
course. America's path or Europe's path is not the only ways to reach freedom and justice.
But on the fundamental principle that is at stake here -- the ability of nations and peoples to
make their own choices -- there can be no
going back. It's not America that filled the Maidan with protesters -- it was Ukrainians. No
foreign forces compelled the citizens of
Tunis and Tripoli to rise up -- they did so on their own. From the Burmese parliamentarian
pursuing reform to the young leaders fighting
corruption and intolerance in Africa, we see something irreducible that all of us share as human
beings -- a truth that will persevere in
the face of violence and repression and will ultimately overcome.
For the young people here today, I know it may seem easy to see these events as removed from our
lives, remote from our daily routines,
distant from concerns closer to home. I recognize that both in the United States and in much of
Europe there's more than enough to worry
about in the affairs of our own countries.
There will
always be voices who say that what happens in the wider world is not our concern,
nor
our responsibility. But we must never forget that we are heirs to a struggle for
freedom. Our democracy, our individual opportunity only exists because those who came before us
had the wisdom and the courage to recognize that our ideals will only endure if we see our
self-interest in the success of other peoples and other nations.
Now is not the time for bluster. The situation in Ukraine, like crises in many parts of
the world, does not have easy answers nor a
military solution. But at this moment, we must meet the challenge to our ideals -- to our
very international order -- with strength and conviction.
And it is you, the young people of Europe, young people like Laura, who will help decide which way
the currents of our history will flow.
Do not think for a moment that your own freedom, your own prosperity, that your own moral
imagination is bound by the limits of your
community, your ethnicity, or even your country. You're bigger than that. You can help us to
choose a better history. That's what Europe
tells us. That's what the American experience is all about.
I say this as the President of a country that looked to Europe for the values that are written
into our founding documents, and which
spilled blood to ensure that those values could endure on these shores. I also say this as the son
of a Kenyan whose grandfather was a
cook for the British, and as a person who once lived in Indonesia as it emerged from colonialism.
The ideals that unite us matter equally
to the young people of Boston or Brussels, or Jakarta or Nairobi, or Krakow or Kyiv.
In the end, the success of our ideals comes down to us -- including the example of our own lives,
our own societies. We know that there
will always be intolerance. But instead of fearing the immigrant, we can welcome him.
We can insist
on policies that benefit the many,
not
just the few; that an age of globalization and dizzying change opens the
door of opportunity to the marginalized, and not just a
privileged few. Instead of targeting our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters, we can use our laws
to protect their rights. Instead of
defining ourselves in opposition to others, we can affirm the aspirations that we hold in common.
That's what will make America strong.
That's what will make Europe strong. That's what makes us who we are.
And just as
we meet our responsibilities as individuals, we must be prepared to meet them as
nations. Because we
live in a world in which our ideals are going to be challenged again and again by forces that
would drag us back into conflict or corruption. We can't count on
others to rise to meet those tests. The policies of your government, the principles of your
European Union, will make a critical
difference in whether or not
the
international
order that so many generations before you have strived to create continues
to move
forward, or whether it retreats.
And that's the question we all must answer -- what kind of Europe, what kind of America,
what kind of world will we leave behind. And I believe that if we hold firm to
our principles, and are willing to back our beliefs with courage and resolve, then hope will
ultimately overcome fear, and freedom will continue to triumph over tyranny --
because that is what forever stirs in the human heart.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END 6:52 P.M. CET
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